Gender and Justice: New
Concepts and Approaches
Author:
Frances Heidensohn, Editor
ISBN:
1-84392-199-8
Publishers:
Willan Publishing
Price
£22
Publication
Date: 2006
Contents
1 New Perspectives and Established Views, Frances Heidensohn
Part One Gender and Offending
Behaviour - Brief Introduction, Frances Heidensohn
2 Drug Use and the Discovery of Gender, Mike Shiner
3 Gender Differences in Self-Reported Offending, Kirstine Hansen
4 Schoolbags at Dawn, Carrie Anne Myers
5 Regulating Prostitution: Controlling Women’s Lives, Joanna Phoenix
6 Stigmatised Women: Relatives of Serious Offenders and the Broader Impact of
Crime, Rachel Condry
Part Two Gender and the Criminal
Justice System - Brief Introduction, Frances Heidensohn
7 Gender Considerations in Remand Decision-Making, Kate Steward
8 ‘Bad Girls’ or ‘Mad Girls’ - The Coping Mechanisms of Female Young Offenders,
Nicola Hutson and Carrie Anne Myers
9 A Gendered Irish Experiment - Grounds for Optimism? Barbara Mason
10 The Reforming Prison: A Canadian Tale, Stephanie Hayman
Part Three New Concepts and Approaches
- Brief introduction, Frances Heidensohn
11 Gender, Genes and Crime: An Evolving Feminist Agenda, Nicole Rafter
12 Gender and Crime: A Human Rights Perspective, Marisa Silvestri
13 Gender, Justice and Human Rights in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe and South Africa,
Oliver Phillips
14 Another Look at Lady Bountiful: Reform, Gender and Organisations, Judith
Rumgay
Index
Review
This thematic collection of essays edited by the leading feminist criminologist Frances Heidensohn, sets the agenda and parameters for the epistemological study of feminist criminology in the twenty-first century. It should therefore be compulsory reading on all criminology courses and of significant interest to criminal justice professionals. Heidensohn was instrumental in establishing the study of gender, crime and justice into mainstream criminology, forcing its masculine establishment to consider the effect and impact of law and the criminal justice process on women. She has continually challenged the invisibility and marginalization of women from a feminist perspective in both criminological theory and public policy railing against gender-blindness and leading to the shift in position today where women are now regarded in principle as a subject equally worthy of introspection. Despite such advances, disappointingly the evidence from some of the contributors is that in some areas nothing much has changed in the last 20 years – both theoretically and in terms of societal and penal responses. On a positive note, the authors offer opportunities and ideas to address this, suggesting ways forward, and confirming that so much more can be achieved where criminology and feminism work together as effective and complementary partners.
The book is divided into
three parts; one of its strengths is that all the chapters are well-structured,
accessible and eminently readable – the hallmarks perhaps of a gendered
approach? All are supported by empirical evidence, primarily qualitative rather
than quantitative, again reinforcing the successful integration of feminist and
criminological perspectives. Part One comprises five essays exploring gendered
differences and similarities identified in specific criminal contexts. Mike
Shiner argues that traditional research into drug culture has failed to
identify and achieve this. He utilizes empirical research to show that it is
the identification of these gender differences that are fundamental to
understandings of drug culture. For
example teenage females appear to grow out of drug use faster than males from
age 17 onwards, prompting further inquiry. Kirstine Hansen challenges the
longstanding assumption that in relation to crime offending there is a clear
and stereotypical gender gap between males and females. Using analysis into
self-reported offending, she argues that the traditional approach of predicting
the likelihood of male/female offending based on gender stereotypifications
should be replaced with research that focuses more on the fluctuations in
certain groups (eg class, race, economy) within this schism, and the associated
impact of family, educational and employment opportunities. Carrie Anne Myers
focuses on the problem of school bullying, identifying differences and
similarities in the role of girls and
boys as both victims and perpetrators suggesting that if female bullies are
‘double deviant’ then male victims are ‘double victims’. Her research revealed
that female bullies use the same codes of silence and group dynamics as boys,
albeit she seems somewhat surprised by the extent of male bullying and plight
of male victimization uncovered. All three contributors agree that drawing
comparisons across the genders, rather than within them, does not realise the
full picture, though some might think it somewhat disconcerting that
criminologists are only just starting to draw such conclusions.
Joanna Phoenix tackles the
issue of prostitution arguing that the current regulation of street
prostitution is gender-biased resulting in the state control of a small and ‘invisible’
group of vulnerable women, mirroring Brooks-Gordon’s comprehensive review in
The Price of Sex (2006) also published by Willan. The final chapter in this
section by Rachel Condry provides some interesting insights into another area
of gender invisibility; the stigmatization of the female relatives of violent
and sexual offenders including mother-blaming, shaming and double deviance,
while at the same time having to deal with increased familial responsibilities,
emotional trauma and supporting their male partners and sons.
Part Two adopts the themes
of chivalry and equality in the context of female incarceration and penal
strategies. Kate Steward examines how and why magistrates decide whether to
remand women or grant bail and the importance of gender in that process.
Analysing remand decisions from five magistrates’ courts she found that gender
became more significant, and magistrates more predisposed to grant bail in
‘cusp’ cases, ie those falling between minor offences - where bail would be granted,
and more serious offences - where remand is likely. Bail outcomes were even more likely where the defence offered
mitigation that reflected gender roles. Hutson and Myers reinforce the
continuing failure of prison authorities to understand and consider the needs
of young women prisoners who are automatically offered medication for
depression without any acknowledgement of their individual life
experience. Their interviews reveal the
mismatch between the provision of in-house counselling and its failure to
effectively recognize and understand gendered self-control mechanisms such as
eating disorders, self-harm and support networks suggesting that there is much
that could be done if the political will was there.
Barbara Mason confirms the
inadequacy of penal strategies for women but heralds the positive outcomes of
the innovative Dochas Centre in Ireland with its emphasis on humanity,
rehabilitation and non-institutionalized detention as grounds for optimism.
Constructed as houses rather than prison wings this is a rare model that
encourages women to take greater responsibility for their lives through regime
change, educational opportunities and development programmes. Stephanie Hayman
also examines the introduction of a new prison model in Canada founded on
maintaining respect and dignity and utilizing similar ideologies to those
employed in Eire. Her conclusions are more negative despite the involvement of
feminist viewpoints in the initial planning stages. She argues that the project was self-defeating as the feminist
ideals proposed indirectly contributed to the failure of the programmes and a
more oppressive regime. This was largely because practitioners and inmates had
not been prepared for the innovative social work approaches introduced to
replace the traditional correctional strategies they were used to.
The final part of the book
offers a selection of future avenues and opportunities for feminist
criminological inquiry, the authors establish a range of embryonic theories
which open up new challenges and discourses. Nicole Rafter’s short but lively
chapter introduces the possibilities of biocriminology. She exhorts feminist
criminologists to look again at Lombroso’s The Female Offender having
discovered, from a retranslation, that his views on female sexual biology and
their links to female criminality had previously been excised. She argues that
the current erosion of clear distinctions between sex and gender make the
interaction between genes and the environment, and culture and the body, more compelling
as possible explanatory factors for criminality. Maria Silvestri opens up the
human rights discourse and its influence in the context of penal feminist
criminology. Citing a number of recent cases against the prison service, she
illustrates the increasing impact of the ECHR post Human Rights Act 1998 in
challenging prison conditions and penal policies that violate women’s right to
life, freedom from inhumane and degrading treatment and their right to privacy
and family life. This is the beginning of a long overdue development in
feminist human rights discourse in penal policy and one that criminal justice
professionals need to be fully aware of and engage with.
Oliver Phillips presents
something quite different in his comparison of the post-colonial legal
protection afforded women in terms of gender equality and sexual agency through
the respective constitutional provisions in Zimbabwe and South Africa. In both
cultures women experience limitation over their sexual choices and freedoms but
South Africa’s ‘innovative jurisprudence and clear principles’ founded in its
Constitutional Equality Clause has at least provided a legal framework and
binding principle which the Constitutional Court must respect. In contrast he
demonstrates how the breakdown in relations between government, constitution
and the courts in Zimbabwe has served to further exacerbate women’s inequality.
Judith Rumgay’s final chapter highlights what can be achieved when a group of
philanthropic women, the Griffins Society, founded a voluntary organization to
provide rehabilitative services in London in the 1960s. The Griffins hostels
offered difficult women offenders a form of philanthropic maternalism which
seemed to work. Initially heralded as a success due to a combination of direct interaction between volunteers and
residents, a bold desire to just ‘get on with it,’ and the exploitation of
powerful male contacts in government; the society ultimately collapsed as
tighter regulation and increasing bureaucracy took hold. The enterprise was unique in managing to
bridge the divide ‘between social affluence and social disgrace,’ something
that is missing from current criminal justice understandings.
It is clear from this
collection of essays that the future of feminist criminology is not only
assured but is vibrant and challenging. Understandably, virtually all of the
chapters start off by contesting the traditional position of criminology’s
ignorance of gender and citing Heidensohn’s earlier work, and that of others,
in support. However, it is evident from
this volume that such prefaces and justifications are now redundant as the
argument is clearly won. (Feminist) criminology has truly come of age and would
not have done so but for Heidensohn’s enthusiasm and commitment which has
clearly inspired others to follow in her footsteps.
Kim Stevenson
Race
and Probation
Edition:
1st
ISBN:
184392143x
Publishers:
Willan
Price
£22.50
Publication
Date: December 2005
The issue of minority ethnic groups' experiences of the criminal
justice process, and in particular whether they are subject to disadvantageous
treatment has received much attention in recent years following high-profile
events such as the publication of the Macpherson report in 1999 and the riots
involving British-born Asian youths in northern towns in 2001. At the same time there has been a burgeoning
body of research evidence about the needs and experiences of minority ethnic
offenders, the behaviour of racially motivated offenders, and concern with
'What Works' to reduce recidivism by members of both groups.
This book reviews this field, drawing upon the largest study of minority ethnic
probationers ever conducted in Europe, and seeks to understand the 'stark
contrast between the experience of white and B lack minority ethnic people in
some areas of the criminal justice system'. Part 1 of the book sets out the
context of recent policy, research and practice initiatives; Part 2 focuses on
the needs and experiences of minority ethnic offenders; Part 3 discusses aspect
s of recent practice and policy; Part 4 reviews conclusions and the way
forward.
Race and Probation also
contributes to the wider debate about race and crime. The lessons learned will
be of key importance as new arrangements linked to NOMS (National Offender
Management Service) come in to place. It will be essential reading for
probation trainees and students of criminal justice, for probation
practitioners and managers, and for academics and researchers in the field.
One of the key issues facing probation
Draws upon longest study of minority ethnic probationers ever
conducted in Europe
Key contribution to wider race/crime debate
Contents
Introduction: race, crime and community penalties, Adam Calverley , Gurpreet Kaur and Soheila Sadeghi
Part 1 Background
1 Room for improvement: a history of the Probation Service's response to
race Maurice
Vanstone
2 Racially motivated offenders and the Probation Service David Smith
3 Race, Probation and Inspections Rod
Morgan
Part 2 Black and Minority
Ethnic offenders: their needs and experiences
4 Black and Asian men on Probation: who are they, and what are their
Criminogenic Needs Peter Raynor and Sam Lewis
5 Black and Asian Men on Probation: social exclusion, discrimination and
experiences of criminal justice Bankole
Cole and Ali Wardak
6 The experiences of female minority ethnic offenders: the other 'other' Loraine Gelsthorpe
7 Not black and white: mixed heritage experiences of criminal justice Sam Lewis and Jill Olumide
Part 3 Recent developments
8 Designing and delivering programmes for minority ethnic offenders Patrick Williams
9 What Works with Black and minority ethnic offenders Rachel K. Walmsley and Kate
Stephens
10 Minority ethnic experiences of probation supervision and programmes Sam Lewis
11 What might work with racially motivated offenders? David Smith
Part 4 Conclusions
12 Race and community penalties: Conclusion and next steps the editors
Index
The editors
Sam Lewis is Lecturer in Criminology in
the Centre for Criminal Justice Studies, University of Leeds; Peter Raynor is Professor of
Criminology and Criminal Justice at Swansea University; David Smith is Professor of Criminology in the Department of
Applied Social Science, University of Lancaster; Ali Wardak is Reader in Criminology at the University of Glamorgan
.
Crime
and Justice 1750-1950
Edition:
1st
Authors:
Barry Godfrey and Paul Lawrence
ISBN:
1843921162
Publishers:
Willan
Price
£17.99
Publication
Date: 21st Oct 2005
Publishers
Press Release
The
years 1750-1950 were a crucial period in the shaping of the modern world.
Urbanization and industrialization gave rise to a host of new social conditions
and problems, engendering massive changes in the nature of both crime and
criminal justice. Key developments included the end of capital punishment and
the transportation of convicts overseas; the rise of a system of mass
incarceration (which has culminated in the UK today having the largest prison
population in Europe); the beginning of public, uniformed policing; the first
mass-media moral panics about violent crime (from the 'garotters' to Jack the
Ripper); and the introduction of the adversarial trial process we know today.
At
the same time the Home Office (an organization which grew from just six clerks
in 1817) began the systematic recording of levels of crime for the first time,
and the new 'scientific' discipline of criminology was developed. 'Crime' thus
moved from being considered an accepted, if irritating, part of life (like bad
weather) to being a topic which commanded the highest political and media
scrutiny.
This
book provides a highly readable text for students taking courses in.modern
criminal justice history, and for anyone seeking to understand the origins of
today's criminal justice system. Each
chapter covers a key issue central to an understanding of this historical
background. By drawing on primary
source materials the authors also aim to show how historical knowledge is
constructed, and they explore a number of the historiographical debates which
have arisen in the interpretation of this key period of criminal justice
history.
From
the Introduction
William
Sanders stated that: 'In the course of their work, both detectives and
sociologists must gather and analyse information. For detectives, the object is to identify and locate criminals
and to collect evidence to ensure that the identification is correct.
Sociologists, on the other hand, develop theories and methods to help
understand social behaviour' (Sanders 1974: 1). But how important is it to gain an understanding of how criminal
behaviour and society's reactions to it have changed over time? What part does
history play in understanding criminality, and what tools can we use to recover
evidence from one or two centuries ago?
Whether you are interested in modern history, criminology or sociology,
you will be questioning which areas of knowledge are important to you and your
work, and which are not. This book will
explain how a critical appreciation of the history of crime can inform current
understandings of offending, and why historical events in the past two hundred
years will continue to affect crime and criminal justice for many years to come.
If
we were designing a criminal justice system to meet the needs of today's society,
would it look like the one we actually have?
Almost certainly it would not, and that is because the institutions of
criminal justice - the police, prisons and the courts - have all been shaped
and influenced by events and ideas over a long period of time. For example, the growth of police services
from a private force employed and run for the benefit of the social elite to
recover stolen property to a professional, uniformed and preventative public
service is complex. We can only fully
understand why the police force works the way it does (prioritizing the
maintenance of public order, being organized in counties rather than being 'The
British Police Force', being largely unarmed, and so on) by looking at the
changes made over two hundred years of history. In addition to institutional changes, historical research can
also reveal attitudinal changes towards crime and risk in contemporary society.
For example, youth crime appears to be a persistent problem for modern
society. Media debates about joy riding
and the drug/rave culture have recently given way to celebrations of
Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) and their effectiveness against youth 'yob
culture'. However, when did juvenile
delinquency become a pressing problem, what particular sets of anxieties or
events made it so, and are those factors still present today? Was delinquency
always waiting to be discovered, or was it 'invented' - can crime be
'manufactured' in this way? If so, what are the conditions that allow us to
manufacture crime, and do fears about particular types of offenders reflect
rising crime or do they feed a system which creates rises in crime?
Do
we live in a safer society now than our parents and grandparents did? Statistics tell us that violence fell to its
lowest prosecuted level about a century ago, and that the rates of violence are
now much higher (they peaked around the 1990s and are currently
declining). Why is this? Are we safer now? Do we care more about violence now? Are we more worried about
violence than we ever were? We are not going to find the answers to such
questions by just looking at the situation as it stands today. We need to find
meaningful comparisons with the recent and far past. We also need to question the assumptions that people readily make
about the past - that it was a golden age where police officers clipped unruly
teenagers around the ear and people did not need to lock their doors. Was that
really true and, if so, how do we know?
It
is also clear that the past has a future. Perceptions of crime and changes in
the Victorian criminal justice system have left their legacy. For example, why
do we imprison women and children in separate prisons to men? Why are men and women sentenced in different
ways? What is it about the persistence
of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century constructions of femininity that means
that we still feel their impact today?
These kinds of questions remain relevant to modern criminology and
social policy, and they remain pertinent to anyone wanting to understand the
social world.
Does
crime history have a history?
Crime
history itself has created a history - a 'historiography'. Since the subject
began to develop out of the general upsurge in popularity of social history generally
- mainly through the work of Leon Radzinowicz (1948-86), Doug Hay et al.
(1975), Edward Thompson (1975) - it has now grown to be a substantial
subdiscipline in its own right. Whether the subject is properly situated within
'history' or 'criminology' is an interesting question, and you will find crime
history articles in both historical and criminological journals (and if you are
interested in the development of crime history itself as a subject there are a
number of interesting review articles listed at the end of this chapter in
'further reading'). Where once one would struggle to find a course containing a
history of crime element, it is now extremely common for criminal justice and
criminology courses to include modules on crime history or the history of
deviance, as well as on the foundations of criminology itself.' History degree courses too, even when not
specifically addressing the issue of crime, usually include modules on
large-scale disorders (industrial disputes and labour relations, food riots and
the economy, political movements which were heavily policed, and so on). The extraordinary growth in interest in
lawbreakers and the policing of society has been matched with a growing body of
academic literature. Peter King (1999) has provided a guide to navigating the
various sources that can be explored (on the Web, in bibliographic databases
and in
journals,
for example). However, the wealth and
diversity of literature can be bewildering. A small number of authors have
attempted to review the field and construct a narrative of crime and its
control from the mid-eighteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries. Notable among these are Jim Sharpe (1999),
David Taylor (1998), Philip Rawlings (1999) and perhaps the person who has done
most to popularize this subject, Clive Emsley (2005). Those authors have all described crime in what might be termed
'the modern world'. Why is there a concentration on this period?
Why
the period 1750 to 1950?
Put
simply, during this period the 'modern world' was shaped. The dynamic development of new forms of
industrial production, the rise of the great urban towns and cities and
unprecedented population growth all changed the appearance of the British
Isles. They also created new social conditions and problems that policy-makers
attempted to ameliorate, control or eradicate.
The period witnessed the end of capital punishment and the
transportation of convicts overseas, and the rise of a system of mass
imprisonment which is now culminating in the highest number of people ever
imprisoned in this country and the largest prison population in Europe. It saw the beginning of public uniformed
policing, the first mass-media moral panics about violent crime (from the
'garotters' to Jack the Ripper), and changes to the court system which ensured
the rapid processing of offenders.
During this period the systematic recording of levels of crime was begun
by the Home Office (an organization which itself grew impressively from six
clerks in 1817 to a vast bureaucracy in the twentieth century). Perhaps most
importantly, this period witnessed the beginnings of the 'science' of
criminology, and when 'crime' moved from being considered an accepted part of
life - like the weather - to a subject which today commands the highest
political and press attention.
The
structure of the book
This
book has been written with researchers of crime, criminology and social policy
in mind. It intends to give a broad historical overview of crime, policing and
punishment within the context of historical processes such as urbanization and
industrialization, and it will present different perspectives on a number of
'issues' and debates in current criminological and historical research. By drawing on primary source materials it
aims to show how historical knowledge is constructed, and also suggest ways in
which researchers can investigate primary source materials for themselves.
The
authors
Barry
Godfrey is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at Keele University; Paul Lawrence is
Lecturer in European History at the Open University.
This
work, under the joint authorship of two respected university lecturers, is
essentially a text book intended for those studying modern criminal justice
history. Its chapter headings include
the development of policing, the law and the courts - as might be expected from
the title. However, other chapters,
which include the role of the victim, punishment and the measurement and the
meaning of violence - give the clue that there is also a good deal of academic
and criminological content.
The
format for each chapter offers an introduction to the subject under
examination, and a conclusion. A number
of key questions are then posed which
the reader is invited to research, followed by a note and
recommendations for further reading.
For the student of modern criminal justice history the book is
tailor-made. In the case of the non-student, say the fairly mature police
historian seeking a thought-provoking read, it is something to be dipped into.
A
topic which some historians, particularly those with a police background, might
take issue with, is the reference to the so-called 'Golden Age of
policing'. The authors deal with this
mainly by having regard to what others have said or written on the
subject. The 'Golden Age', so the 'theory'
goes, was a time when the public fully supported a professional police service
which did its best to enforce the law fairly and equally. There is no helpful suggestion as to when,
where or even if, this Utopian age actually existed.
The
factual history of policing indicates that, in many industrial areas, there was
rarely evidence of a close police/public partnership. Elsewhere, particularly in shire areas and prior to the arrival
of the motor car, it could be argued that policing a mainly supportive public
was not uncommon - but not in evidence everywhere. By contrast, following much tinkering with the organisation of
police manpower brought about through financial pressures, at the present time
many police officers are strangers to most of those they are required to
protect. The existence of co-operation
of the kind evidenced in Crime & Disorder Partnerships involving small
numbers of the public, or better still, local Neighbourhood Watch arrangements
involving whole streets and villages, are outside the time-scale of the book.
But even they do not approach a ‘Golden Age.
A
second ‘thought-provoking’ example is to be found in a chapter dealing with
control in the workplace and the rise of the surveillance society. The writers suggest that ‘many may feel the
historical road from the factory foreman in private businesses to the anonymous
controller of CCTV cameras on public streets is a long and uncomfortable
one’. The implication is that some
unidentified 'Big Brother' is at work seeking to uncover all our personal
data. The authors could well have
indicated that the rise of modern methods of surveillance stem, not so much
from a proactive search for personal information, but as a response to the
ingenuity of the criminal fraternity and in order to protect society as a
whole. The mature reader could be
forgiven for feeling that the general tenor of the work is to concentrate on
the ‘rights’ of the individual while ignoring any ‘duty’ which the individual ought
properly to owe society as a whole.
But
this caveat, showing just how thought-provoking the book can be, is
comparatively unimportant when assessing the book as a whole. The authors chose the period 1750 to 1950
since that was the period, they argue, in which the modern world was
shaped. Although this is a period of
convenience, if one compares it with any other it is impossible to come up with
a more apt double century. However, the
half-century from 1950 onwards takes some beating.
A
pleasing aspect of the book is the fact that the topics examined do not come to
a stop with the last chapter. There
follows an excellent glossary of words and terms, not all of which are
generally understood, plus a timetable of significant events for the period
covered by the book. There is also the
innovation of a list of useful websites of interest to historians and an
excellent bibliography. So to stop
reading at the end of the last chapter and turn straight to the index is to
miss an essential part of the informative process which the book offers to both
the student and the police historian alike.
It is a well-written and extremely interesting work.
'PR'
Author: Melissa J Smith and Nick Tilley (eds)
ISBN: 1 84392 089 1
Publishers: Willan Publishing
Price £18.99
Publication Date:
2005
This
is the third publication in Willan Publishing’s Crime Science series, though
the first one to focus on the subject of ‘crime science’ itself. The result is
an accessible book of value to criminology students and researchers interested
in the crime science debate and also to practitioners interested in both
practical and innovative ideas about crime prevention and detection.
In
their introduction the editors write that the purpose of the book is to 'show
and tell' what crime science is about and to provide some practical examples of
its appliance. To do this they organise the book into four sections, in total
comprising nine chapters. Staff and associates of the Jill Dando Institute,
established in April 2001 as a centre for teaching, research and consultancy in
crime science, are the principal contributors.
Part
1 comprises just one chapter by Gloria Laycock who helpfully sets out the
development, definition and purpose of crime science. It is, she says, 'the
application of the methods of science to crime and disorder' (page 4). It is
'outcome focused,' and is about reducing crime by either stopping it
(prevention) or by catching people more quickly and reliably after the event
(detection). It is also multi-disciplinary and the methodologies employed
'embrace the standards and values of the natural sciences' (page 7). Professor
Laycock argues that since the criminal justice system is limited in its ability
to control crime there is a need to consider alternatives, particularly the
potential for scientific contributions. However, she concludes somewhat pessimistically
that while crime is seen as fundamentally about offenders rather than
situations, there will be limited enthusiasm for crime science approaches (page
21).
Chapters
2 and 3 comprise the second part of the book and focus on futures scanning (by
Paul Ekblom) and cost-benefit analysis (by Graham Farrell et al) respectively. These are
interesting and valuable in themselves but as far as theory and methodology are
discussed, they are not exclusive to crime science and the chapters do not
appear to have been written as the theoretical
and methodological rationales for crime science. Indeed, as the introduction
(page xx) states, they focus on theory and methodology used in crime science. Arguably chapters that
focussed on the theory and methodology of crime science would have been more appropriate to support the stated
purpose of the book. In this respect it would have been enlightening to read
about the theoretical and methodological underpinnings that distinguish crime
science as a discipline in its own right. One cannot help but feel that
in this section the opportunity to argue for and map out crime science as a
‘new disciplinary terrain’ (page xv) has not been fully taken.
Part
three of the book comprises four chapters, each providing a case study in 'Preventive
Crime Science'; these range from the relatively prosaic to the sophisticated.
In respect of the former, Wortley and Summers (chapter 4) present a case study
of situational prevention in Glen Parva
young persons’ prison. This involved the utilisation of a problem solving
methodology with a large component of common sense. The writers argue that significant reductions in prison disorder
can be achieved through relatively minor environmental changes. This, like the
chapters on crime at motorway service areas (by Nick Tilley) and on vehicle
excise duty evasion (by Melissa J Smith and Barry Webb), would not be out of
place in any (non-crime science) crime prevention collection. In contrast, the
presence of a distinct crime science is more evident in chapter 7 by Shane D.
Johnson et al. They draw upon
and link three fields of academic research – behavioural ecology, criminology
and epidemiology - in their case study
of predictive crime mapping using the example of domestic burglary.
In
the fourth and final part of the book, there are two case studies in 'Crime
Science for Detection.' Chapter 8, DNA
Fast-tracking by Barry Webb et
al, describes an
initiative to speed up the investigation of domestic burglary where DNA is
captured from the scene. It concludes by providing a number of practical
recommendations to improve the process. The final chapter by Peter Stelfox and
Ken Pease, Cognition and detection:
reluctant bedfellows?, explores connections between our understanding of
human reasoning and the investigative task. They draw sombre conclusions with
implications for training investigators in decision-making.
In
its development to date, as the editors acknowledge, crime science has been
challenged by sometimes 'apoplectic criminologists.' Sensitive to this, the
editors respond to ten identified criticisms of crime science that range from
collusion with policymakers to more philosophical objections concerning the
scientific study of crime (pages xvi – xviii). As the collection unfolds, the reader
is able to weigh-up for himself/herself the relative strengths of the
criticisms and the editors’ responses. In my view, the book’s theory and
methodology chapters combined with the uneven weight of the cases drawn upon do
not decisively prove the case that crime science has (yet) established itself
as a coherent and self-evident discipline; the book answers some but not all of
the questions posed by its critics, both the apoplectic and the more measured.
In short, this book will not satisfy the critics of crime science, but the
battle lines are now a little more clearly drawn and it is to be hoped that a
progressive and constructive debate will ensue.
Dr Rob C Mawby
Department of Criminology
Keele University
March 2005.
Armed Robbery
Roger
Matthews
Willan
Publishing 2003 ISBN 1903240603 RRP £16.99
Many
TV writers mix up Robbery with Burglary, you hear such statements as,
"I’ve been robbed", or "There’s been a burglary "
The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines Robbery
as:
"Robbery(pl.
-ies)"
1
a the act or process of robbing, esp. with force or threat of force. b an
instance of this.
2
excessive financial demand or cost (set us back £20 - it was sheer robbery).
[Middle
English from Old French roberie "(as rob)]"
The
Theft Act 1968 is of course more precise, Robbery is
Theft
Act 1968, s. 8
(1) A person is guilty of robbery if he steals, and immediately
before or at the time of doing so, and
in order to do so, he uses force on any person or puts or seeks to put any
person in fear of being then and there subjected to force.
(2) A person guilty of robbery,
or of an assault with intent to rob, shall on
conviction on indictment be liable to imprisonment for life.
If
you have studied criminal law you will know the definition, if you are new to
law then learn the difference between Burglary and Robbery before you read this
book.
During
my Service in London a Friday was known as "Blagging" day - the day
many Armed Robberies took place. To
London police armed robbery is a blagging.
To the City of London police it often meant, "Close the
Bridges". The moment we heard it
was taking place, one positive move was to shut off all the Bridges, times have
changed now that cameras record all cars moving into central London.
This
book looks at, motivation, weapons used, victims, policing and the demise of
armed robbery.
The
author tells us that armed robbery is regarded as one of the most serious
crimes, and is widely reported in the media. Many convicted armed robbers
receive long prison sentences, and a disproportionate percentage of the prison
population is imprisoned for armed robbery and related offences. The police
have targeted it as a key crime for intervention, but have found it difficult
to deal with effectively, as recent corruption cases have shown.
Yet
despite the significance of armed robbery in the criminal justice system, the
media and in the public mind there has been little systematic research or
writing on the subject beyond the often impressionistic popular accounts. There
remains a large gap in knowledge and understanding of the subject, which this
book aims to fill.
This
book provides a comprehensive account of the subject, based on research,
including interviews with 350 armed robbers in prison, and on work with two
police armed response units - from the Metropolitan and South Yorkshire Police.
Chapters in the book describe and analyse the attitudes, motivations and methods
of armed robbers, the role of firearms, the response of the police and the
impact on victims.
At the same time
the Author provides a much needed critical dimension to an understanding of the
nature of armed robbery, locating the changing nature of armed robbery within a
broader criminological and sociological framework. It will be indispensable
reading for anybody with an interest in this particular aspect of crime.
Roger
Matthews is Professor of Criminology at Middlesex University, and a leading authority
in this field. He has written extensively on the subjects of crime, criminology
and prisons, his recent publications including Doing Time (Macmillan, 1999) and
Crime, Disorder and Community Safety (co-edited with John Pitts: Routledge,
2001) He is the co-editor (with Jock Young) of The New Politics of Crime and
Punishment, also published by Willan Publishing (2002).
Sex Crime: Sex Offending and
Society
Edition:
2nd 2005
Author:
Terry Thomas
ISBN:
1-84392-105-7
Publishers:
Willan Publishing
Price
£17.99 RRP UK
Publication
Date: 2005
This book provides an account of the nature
and extent of sex crime and offending in contemporary Britain, and the policies
and legislative actions taken to combat this. Sex offenders have become
'demonised' figures, which has made it essential to explain the phenomena and
to formulate appropriate policies and law.
This second edition builds upon the
successful first edition, and is revised and expanded to reflect the many
developments which have taken place in this field.
The book now covers both criminal justice
approaches to sexual offending and the civil processes towards greater
protection from sexual offending.
Updated and expanded second edition of
established text now covers both criminal justice approaches to sexual
offending and civil processes analyses impact of Sexual Offences Act of 2003,
new measures on internet sex crime and pornography, establishment of Criminal
Records Bureau and international trafficking
Contents
1 Introduction
2 The sex offender 'problem' -- and
responses
3 Social responses to the sex offender: a
historical perspective
4 Policing sex offenders
5 The search for justice -- at court
6 The search for justice -- punishment or
treatment?
7 Protection in the home
8 Protection in 'care settings'
9 Protection in the community Conclusions
References
Index
A welcome second edition of
this book provides a comprehensive review of official and popular responses to
the problem of sex offending in its broadest context and summarizes the various
professional approaches and legislative measures in force to deal with illegal
sexual conduct. This is a huge subject and the author starts off in the
Introduction by providing a useful overview and reminding us of the diverse
nature of the subject by exemplifying the different types of behaviour and
conduct that the law has classified and punished as a sexual offence. Thus the
book not only covers offences of sexual violation including rape and child
sexual abuse, but outlines provisions relating to the control and prohibition of
sexuality and sexual identity in relation to prostitution and homosexuality.
The following two chapters focus on the public perception of those individuals
legally defined as perpetrators or violators and contemporary societal and
professional responses to the problems they present. As to be expected from a
criminologist, the sociological context is convincingly analysed as exemplified
in the discussion in chapter 2 about how sexual offenders have been culturally
constructed and demonized by society and the media drawing on theories of dangerousness and moral panic.
Press and local public reactions to the release and presence of paedophiles in
the community are detailed by reference to newspaper reportage and the News of
the World’s ill-founded campaign for the UK equivalent of Megan’s Law - Sarah’s
law so-named in response to Roy Whiting’s murder of Sarah Payne. The views of
medical professionals in seeking to find justifications and ‘cures’ for sexually abusive conduct is summarized
together with a passing reference to feminist perspectives. For those with an
historical interest there is a fascinating review of the history of sexual
offences from the Statute of Westminster 1275 to the present day in chapter 3.
The next part of the book
deals with the role of the criminal justice system from prosecution to
punishment starting off with police investigations and predictably, rehearsing
the much repeated comment of that Metropolitan Police Superintendent about
driving a coach and horses through a victim’s statement and the notorious
Thames Valley documentary in respect of the treatment of rape complainants.
Though in light of the Metropolitan Police’s recent pronouncement to review all
allegations of rape made last year as 35% of the 3,000 plus complaints were
dismissed, together with the acknowledgment that a culture of scepticism still
exists, perhaps such reminders have their place. Improvements in the police
handling of rape cases are acknowledged together with the creation of Child
Protection Units and the associated criticisms of ‘trawling’ in respect of
institutional abuse. Quite rightly issues about data collection, access, and
storage of information about sex offenders are highlighted detailing the role
of NCIS and EUROPOL in tackling
trafficking and monitoring paedophiles abroad. But there is no mention of any
of the very successful downloading investigations such as Operation Cathedral,
Ore or Sapphire.
Chapters 5 details the trial
process from investigation to disposal including analysis of the role and
prosecutorial discretion of the Crown Prosecution Service. The chapter also
outlines the concessions made to witnesses and victims in the courtroom when
giving evidence and concludes with current sentencing guidelines and policy –
though the emphasis is on the 1986 case of Billam, [1986] 1 All ER 985 rather than the more recent House of Lords decision of Milberry in
2003. See R v Milberry, R v Morgan; R v
Lackenby [2003] 1 Cr App R 25 CA. The discussion
then moves to a comparison of the punishment v treatment debate critiquing the
various options available and rehabilitative initiatives associated with Sex
Offender Treatment Programmes. Chapter 7 is a short summary of sexual violation
in the private sphere and committed in a domestic context including
intra-familial abuse and child prostitution; sexual abuse in the public sphere
in care homes or with individuals in a position of authority follows. The final
chapter addresses the control and monitoring of sex offenders in the community
including notification requirements and sex offender orders but again the
recent provisions of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 are dealt with very briefly
and the main emphasis of the chapter is on the Sex Offender Act 1997 now
repealed.
The book is very accessible
and easy to read. It is ambitious as there is enough material to write
singularly on just rape and rapists or child sexual abuse and paedophiles. The writing is concise but in places issues
were dispensed with perhaps too quickly and should have been developed further.
More page space should have been made available to achieve this. Another
danger, or difficulty perhaps, in writing about such a large subject and
drawing in so many different aspects – and particularly when writing a second
edition, is ensuring accuracy and that out of date material is incised. For
example, some of the tables are out of date and list offences, which have been
repealed which is both pointless and only serves to confuse (see figures 1.1
and 6.1). Similarly, the 1999 figures cited for the gender representation of
legal professionals including the police is now 5 years out of date (p38). In
places the presentation of the legal perspective lacks precision – particularly
with reference to the Sexual Offences Act 2003 albeit this is a far-reaching
and massive enactment. For example, Thomas notes that ‘consensual’ sexual
activity with a child under 13 may be
defined as rape (p.10) – there is no ‘may be’ at all, if intercourse occurs it
is statutory rape full stop. Similarly references in chapter 5 to previous
sexual history imply that s2 SOA 1976 is still in force (p.85): it was
repealed by the controversial section
41 YJCE Act 1999 which is dispensed with as though it is of little significance. Overall the book is more of a historical
summary of practice and policy providing a useful background for those who need
to explain the past development of the law relating to sexual offending. While
it is an excellent summary of the contextual environment of the last few years
already this edition has the feel of being out of date and should be treated
with some caution as regards its current legal accuracy.
Kim Stevenson
Drugs and Crime
Edition:
1st
Author:
Philip Bean
ISBN: 1-903240-36-0 Paperback
Publishers
Willan Publishing
Price: £16.99 / US $27.50 Hardback £40.00 / US
$59.95
Publication
Date: November 2001
A very high proportion of crimes committed in
Britain are drugs-related, with many offenders reporting drug use prior to the
commission of their offence. However, the direct link between drug taking and
crime is often less clear than is supposed if only because many of those
offenders would have committed offences anyway, and these offences need to be
separated from those that are directly caused by drugs. Attempts to address
many of these and related issues have been bedevilled by misunderstanding and a
lack of consensus on the nature of the relationship between drugs and crime.
This book is a major contribution to that
debate, and provides an authoritative and much-needed overview of the range of
issues associated with drugs-related crime.
The author pays particular attention to
policing drugs and drug markets and the way they operate, so that a central
theme of the book is the importance of reducing supply at local, national and
international levels. Accordingly there are chapters on the drugs-crime link,
sentencing drug offenders, policing drug offenders including the use of
informers, coercive treatment, and on gender issues, including the treatment of
women drug users.
Contents
1 Drugs and crime: an overview
2 Sentencing drug offenders
3 Coercive treatment and mandatory drug
testing
4 The Drug Treatment and Testing Order and
Drug Courts
5 Trafficking and laundering
6 Policing drug markets
7 Informers and corruption
8 Women, drugs and crime
9 The way forward
Bibliography
Index
Philip Bean is one of the UK's leading
authorities on drugs and crime, and has published widely in this field. He is
Professor of Criminology and Director of the Midlands Centre for Criminology
and Criminal Justice at Loughborough University. He was president of the
British Criminological Society from 1995 to 1999, and is currently a member of
the Professional Conduct Committee of the General Medical Council.
REVIEW OF 2nd Edition 2004, by Peter Jackson
Title: Drugs and Crime
Edition:
2nd 2004
Author: Philip Bean
ISBN:
1843920972
Publishers:
Willan Publishing
Price
£17.99 RRP UK
Publication
Date: 15th Oct 2004
This was a fascinating book
that Philip Bean has obviously done a lot of research and used it to produce
this valuable book. There are numerous quotes from very recent research in
2003/4, but in the preface a statement is made “and nothing has been done about
trying to get the treatment and criminal justice agencies to work together more
closely” I am more than a little concerned that no mention has been made of the
Criminal Justice Intervention Programme (CJIP) now renamed Drugs Intervention
Programme (DIP) which has been in operation since early 2003, so must have been
talked about for some considerable time before this. It may not be perfect or
longitudinally evaluated yet, but it is an attempt to get treatment and
criminal justice agencies to work together more closely.
I was more than impressed
with the closing comments on page 58 that drug use in Britain is NOT normal and
there are things that can be done long term to change this. But it is a culture change for this country?
The comments on page 109
weighing up the options within treatment between harm reduction or abstinence
are interesting in the light of comments made by users in treatment services in
Glasgow in 2004 where most of the users wanted abstinence as opposed to harm
reduction, but surely the answer here must be individual choice.
I found the input re the
Drugs Courts fascinating and Philip obviously is a fan. My concern is, does the
judiciary in this country have the ability to be as down to earth as some
judges in the USA? If we could get the
judges dealing with UK drugs court to deal with the individual and understand
relapse and regression then I think we would have taken a huge step for
mankind.
Philip waxes lyrical about
the TASC system that sounds similar to the Drugs Intervention Programme being
rolled out in this country. Lets hope
that in Philips Third edition of Drugs and Crime we can have a reasonable
comparison between the two systems.
The continuous concern of
Philip and many other people in this area, is the lack of good sustained
longitudinal research. I totally agree
with this sentiment and of course the answer is very simple-Cost, Cost,
Cost. There are many great pieces of
research that conclude by saying “further research needs to be carried out”.
Very rarely does this ever happen. The
drugs field is constantly changing thus the research should follow suit. But due to the restrictions on money it does
not happen. Lets hope that some of the
drugs confiscation money will be put to this use. Philip hints at a way forward
on page 235, suggesting that there are “two or three high- quality research
centres with guaranteed funding undertaking long term research”. Although there
will no doubt be critics of restrictive practice and unbiased research, this
would at least give us continuity in research.
I was in total agreement
with the quote from Inciardi and McBride on page 236 regarding focusing on
demand reduction and education. We then go on to be critical of programmes that
are trying to do just that. I contacted
DARE UK to see what evaluation they have undertaken of Drug Education
programmes as quoted by Philip on page 237.
They seemed most indignant and stated in no uncertain terms that they
cannot raise the money to carry out good quality evaluation of there own
programme, let alone spend scarce resources on evaluating other peoples
work. They were also very jealous of
the £6 million spent on the governments attempt to get Drug education in
schools. I hope this was a rare mistake
on Philip's part but it did detract from the general great read that this book
gave.
Although there was some
suggestions, I would have liked to have seen more comment from Philip, who is
obviously well read in this subject. I would have valued his opinion. It may
not have worked or been evaluated for twenty years, but then what has so
far?
Peter Jackson
Author:
R. C. Mawby
ISBN: 1-903240-32-8
Publishers
Willan publishing
Price: £16.99 / US $27.50 paperback
Publication
Date: 2001
We
are told, “burglary has all the credentials of the 'folk crime of the new,
millennium', and is regularly identified as one of the crimes most feared by
the public. Victims are particularly affected by burglary, and burglary is
generally at the centre of crime prevention and community safety strategies”.
Rob
Mawby's Burglary proves an accessible, systematic account of burglary,
analysing and identifying the particular characteristics and impact of burglary
as a crime, and drawing upon an extensive range of research in both the UK and
elsewhere.
In
the first main section of the book Rob Mawbv focuses on the impact of burglary on
victims of the crime, the phenomenon of repeat burglary, and then on the
burglars themselves: who they are, who they associate with the part drugs play
in the crimes they commit, and the targets they choose. The second main section
of the book is concerned with the policy responses to burglary, it analyses the
various approaches to burglary reduction, looks at some of the most important
key case studies and the lessons to be drawn from these, at the way the police
services and other agencies have addressed the needs of the victims of burglars
and how effective these have been, at the particular characteristics of
commercial burglary, and finally at patterns of detection and sentencing.
Rob
Mawby's book will be essential reading for students of criminology and criminal
justice as well as practitioners in policing and crime prevention, and others
who have a concern with burglary, its impact and prevention.
It
comes up for review at a germane time because in December 2002 the Court of
Appeal delivered new sentencing guidelines on domestic burglary. See R v McInerney: R v Keating (2002) The Times 20
December; [2002] EWCA Crim 3003. These are the result of advice from the
Sentencing Advisory Panel and have been applied directly to sentences in
connection with domestic burglaries where the trespass was accompanied by
theft or an intention to steal. The report concerning McInerney and Keating cited above should be read
subject to the need to have regard to the particular circumstances of the
offence, its effect upon the victim and the record of the offender.
This
Law Report sounded alarm bells throughout the country, with newspaper
headlines that the Lord Chief Justice has said that 'first-time burglars will
not be sent to prison'. This may be a step too far, and public opinion must be
an important factor to be considered; however, the full report should be read
and not just isolated newspaper headlines. SEE Police Journal, Vol 76 (2003),
Page 80.
Burglary,
by R. I. Mawby will bring you up to date on many aspects of the offence now
defined by the Theft Act 1968: however, if you are not legally trained I
suggest that, before reading the book, you look up the definition of burglary
under the law of England and Wales.
It
is not as simple as TV writers would have you believe: the old offence of
'Breaking and Entering' was swept away by the Theft Act 1968. If the man or
woman on the Clapham omnibus (or in my case the bus to Sidmouth; when it
arrives), were asked; would they know that it includes entering any building
with intent to rape? An interesting book if you want to delve more deeply
into Burglary.
Rob
Mawby is Professor of Criminology and Director of the Community Research
Centre, University of Plymouth. He has written extensively in the field of
criminology and policing, and is editor of the journal Crime Prevention and
Community' Safety. He has a long-standing involvement in policy initiatives
relating to burglary at local, National and International level.
Policing,
Ethics and Human Rights
Policing
And Society Series
Series
editors: Les Johnston, Frank Leishman, Tim Newburn
Author: Peter Neyroud And Alan Beckley
ISBN: 1903240158
Publishers
Willan Publishing
Price: £17.99
Publication
Date: 2001
From
the foreword to this book by Jack Straw, MP.
"Bringing
ethics to the fore will help build a culture where respect for human rights is
a conscious factor in a whole range of police activity... This timely book
fills a gap by providing a framework for the debate about ethics in policing
and linking it to the developing agenda on human rights. It does so against a
background of rapid change in the policing environment and offers a very helpful
analysis of approaches to developing and ensuring an ethical policing culture.
It benefits from the authors' strong combination of operational and academic
experience and their obvious commitment to the practical application of human
rights."
Policing, Ethics and Human Rights sets out a powerful case
for a modern 'ethical policing' approach, arguing that securing and protecting
human rights should be the major rationale for public policing.
Ethical
and human rights issues have assumed an increasingly high profile in policing
in the wake of miscarriages of justice, and evidence of racism, incompetence
and corruption - in both Britain and elsewhere. At the same time the
implementation of human rights legislation is set to have a major impact on
policing, challenging many traditional assumptions about how police work is
carried out.
This
important new book examines the range of issues surrounding ethics in policing,
linking this to both recent developments and to the new human rights agenda. It
will be essential reading for anybody with an interest in policing issues, and
is likely to have a significant impact on thinking about the future of policing
in this country.
The
authors
Peter
Neyroud is Deputy Chief Constable, West Mercia Constabulary, vice-chairman of
the Association of Chief Police Officers' human rights committee, and a council
member of 'Justice'. Alan Beckley is head of management development training in
West Mercia Constabulary, has written extensively on policing issues, and is
editor of the Journal "Police Research and Management". Paul Collier (Aston Business School) and
Julia Clayton, an inspector in Cheshire Constabulary, have also contributed to
the book.
Reform
and Punishment The Future of Sentencing
Editors:
Sue Rex and Michael Tonry
ISBN:
1903240948 (Hardback)
Publishers
Willan Publishing
Price: £30 RRP UK
Publication
Date: 2002
We
are told that, Sentencing politics, policies, and practices in England and
Wales have been in ferment for a decade, and major changes are looming. In this book a group of leading authorities
address the key issues, in the light particularly of the influential Halliday
Report. The report sets out radical and
comprehensive proposals, including changes in the purposes and philosophy of
sentencing, a reconfiguration of all authorised sanctions, the establishment
of a sentencing commission and sentencing guidelines, the creation of a new
role for judges and magistrates in overseeing and modifying sentences, and
massive new investment in treatment and supervision programmes.
The
essays in this book go far beyond the Halliday Report, however, to explore
fundamental issues and problems that any serious reform of sentencing must
address, drawing upon experience in other jurisdictions and contexts,
particularly the USA. This book is essential reading for anybody with an
interest in the future of sentencing or the future direction of the criminal
justice system as a whole.
The
editors
Sue
Rex is a Senior Research Associate at the Institute of Criminology, University
of Cambridge, an ESRC Fellow and Director of the Cropwood Programme. Michael Tonry is Professor of Law and Public
Policy and Director of the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge,
and Sonosky Professor of Law and Public Policy, University of Minnesota.
Contents
Notes
on contributors
Preface
1 Reconsidering sentencing and punishment in England and
Wales, by Michael Tonry and Sue Rex (University of Cambridge)
2 Public opinion and sentencing policy, by Julian V Roberts
(University of Ottawa)
3 Relations between lay and professional judiciary: now and
Auld, by Rod Morgan (Chief Inspector of Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Probation)
4 Taking account of race, ethnicity and religion, by David
Faulkner (University of Oxford)
5 Setting sentencing policy through guidelines, by Michael
Tonry (University of Cambridge)
6 The uses of imprisonment, by Alison Liebling (University of
Cambridge)
7 Reinventing community penalties: the role of communication,
by Sue Rex (University of Cambridge)
8 Revisiting ex-prisoner re-entry: a buzzword in search of a
narrative, by Shadd Maruna (University of Cambridge) and Thomas P LeBel (State
University of New York, Albany)
9 The Halliday Report and persistent offenders, by Peter Jones
(Circuit Judge and member of the Sentencing Advisory Panel of England and Wales)
10 Record-enhanced sentencing in England and Wales: reflections
on the Halliday Report's proposed treatment of prior convictions, by Andrew von
Hirsch (University of Cambridge)
Appendix: summary of conference discussions, by
David A Green (University of Cambridge)
Index