Gender and Justice: New Concepts and Approaches
Author: Frances Heidensohn, Editor
Publishers: Willan Publishing
Publication Date: 2006
1 New Perspectives and Established Views, Frances Heidensohn
Part One Gender and Offending Behaviour - Brief Introduction, Frances Heidensohn
2 Drug Use and the Discovery of Gender, Mike Shiner
3 Gender Differences in Self-Reported Offending, Kirstine Hansen
4 Schoolbags at Dawn, Carrie Anne Myers
5 Regulating Prostitution: Controlling Women’s Lives, Joanna Phoenix
6 Stigmatised Women: Relatives of Serious Offenders and the Broader Impact of Crime, Rachel Condry
Part Two Gender and the Criminal Justice System - Brief Introduction, Frances Heidensohn
7 Gender Considerations in Remand Decision-Making, Kate Steward
8 ‘Bad Girls’ or ‘Mad Girls’ - The Coping Mechanisms of Female Young Offenders, Nicola Hutson and Carrie Anne Myers
9 A Gendered Irish Experiment - Grounds for Optimism? Barbara Mason
10 The Reforming Prison: A Canadian Tale, Stephanie Hayman
Part Three New Concepts and Approaches - Brief introduction, Frances Heidensohn
11 Gender, Genes and Crime: An Evolving Feminist Agenda, Nicole Rafter
12 Gender and Crime: A Human Rights Perspective, Marisa Silvestri
13 Gender, Justice and Human Rights in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe and South Africa, Oliver Phillips
14 Another Look at Lady Bountiful: Reform, Gender and Organisations, Judith Rumgay
This thematic collection of essays edited by the leading feminist criminologist Frances Heidensohn, sets the agenda and parameters for the epistemological study of feminist criminology in the twenty-first century. It should therefore be compulsory reading on all criminology courses and of significant interest to criminal justice professionals. Heidensohn was instrumental in establishing the study of gender, crime and justice into mainstream criminology, forcing its masculine establishment to consider the effect and impact of law and the criminal justice process on women. She has continually challenged the invisibility and marginalization of women from a feminist perspective in both criminological theory and public policy railing against gender-blindness and leading to the shift in position today where women are now regarded in principle as a subject equally worthy of introspection. Despite such advances, disappointingly the evidence from some of the contributors is that in some areas nothing much has changed in the last 20 years – both theoretically and in terms of societal and penal responses. On a positive note, the authors offer opportunities and ideas to address this, suggesting ways forward, and confirming that so much more can be achieved where criminology and feminism work together as effective and complementary partners.
The book is divided into three parts; one of its strengths is that all the chapters are well-structured, accessible and eminently readable – the hallmarks perhaps of a gendered approach? All are supported by empirical evidence, primarily qualitative rather than quantitative, again reinforcing the successful integration of feminist and criminological perspectives. Part One comprises five essays exploring gendered differences and similarities identified in specific criminal contexts. Mike Shiner argues that traditional research into drug culture has failed to identify and achieve this. He utilizes empirical research to show that it is the identification of these gender differences that are fundamental to understandings of drug culture. For example teenage females appear to grow out of drug use faster than males from age 17 onwards, prompting further inquiry. Kirstine Hansen challenges the longstanding assumption that in relation to crime offending there is a clear and stereotypical gender gap between males and females. Using analysis into self-reported offending, she argues that the traditional approach of predicting the likelihood of male/female offending based on gender stereotypifications should be replaced with research that focuses more on the fluctuations in certain groups (eg class, race, economy) within this schism, and the associated impact of family, educational and employment opportunities. Carrie Anne Myers focuses on the problem of school bullying, identifying differences and similarities in the role of girls and boys as both victims and perpetrators suggesting that if female bullies are ‘double deviant’ then male victims are ‘double victims’. Her research revealed that female bullies use the same codes of silence and group dynamics as boys, albeit she seems somewhat surprised by the extent of male bullying and plight of male victimization uncovered. All three contributors agree that drawing comparisons across the genders, rather than within them, does not realise the full picture, though some might think it somewhat disconcerting that criminologists are only just starting to draw such conclusions.
Joanna Phoenix tackles the issue of prostitution arguing that the current regulation of street prostitution is gender-biased resulting in the state control of a small and ‘invisible’ group of vulnerable women, mirroring Brooks-Gordon’s comprehensive review in The Price of Sex (2006) also published by Willan. The final chapter in this section by Rachel Condry provides some interesting insights into another area of gender invisibility; the stigmatization of the female relatives of violent and sexual offenders including mother-blaming, shaming and double deviance, while at the same time having to deal with increased familial responsibilities, emotional trauma and supporting their male partners and sons.
Part Two adopts the themes of chivalry and equality in the context of female incarceration and penal strategies. Kate Steward examines how and why magistrates decide whether to remand women or grant bail and the importance of gender in that process. Analysing remand decisions from five magistrates’ courts she found that gender became more significant, and magistrates more predisposed to grant bail in ‘cusp’ cases, ie those falling between minor offences - where bail would be granted, and more serious offences - where remand is likely. Bail outcomes were even more likely where the defence offered mitigation that reflected gender roles. Hutson and Myers reinforce the continuing failure of prison authorities to understand and consider the needs of young women prisoners who are automatically offered medication for depression without any acknowledgement of their individual life experience. Their interviews reveal the mismatch between the provision of in-house counselling and its failure to effectively recognize and understand gendered self-control mechanisms such as eating disorders, self-harm and support networks suggesting that there is much that could be done if the political will was there.
Barbara Mason confirms the inadequacy of penal strategies for women but heralds the positive outcomes of the innovative Dochas Centre in Ireland with its emphasis on humanity, rehabilitation and non-institutionalized detention as grounds for optimism. Constructed as houses rather than prison wings this is a rare model that encourages women to take greater responsibility for their lives through regime change, educational opportunities and development programmes. Stephanie Hayman also examines the introduction of a new prison model in Canada founded on maintaining respect and dignity and utilizing similar ideologies to those employed in Eire. Her conclusions are more negative despite the involvement of feminist viewpoints in the initial planning stages. She argues that the project was self-defeating as the feminist ideals proposed indirectly contributed to the failure of the programmes and a more oppressive regime. This was largely because practitioners and inmates had not been prepared for the innovative social work approaches introduced to replace the traditional correctional strategies they were used to.
The final part of the book offers a selection of future avenues and opportunities for feminist criminological inquiry, the authors establish a range of embryonic theories which open up new challenges and discourses. Nicole Rafter’s short but lively chapter introduces the possibilities of biocriminology. She exhorts feminist criminologists to look again at Lombroso’s The Female Offender having discovered, from a retranslation, that his views on female sexual biology and their links to female criminality had previously been excised. She argues that the current erosion of clear distinctions between sex and gender make the interaction between genes and the environment, and culture and the body, more compelling as possible explanatory factors for criminality. Maria Silvestri opens up the human rights discourse and its influence in the context of penal feminist criminology. Citing a number of recent cases against the prison service, she illustrates the increasing impact of the ECHR post Human Rights Act 1998 in challenging prison conditions and penal policies that violate women’s right to life, freedom from inhumane and degrading treatment and their right to privacy and family life. This is the beginning of a long overdue development in feminist human rights discourse in penal policy and one that criminal justice professionals need to be fully aware of and engage with.
Oliver Phillips presents something quite different in his comparison of the post-colonial legal protection afforded women in terms of gender equality and sexual agency through the respective constitutional provisions in Zimbabwe and South Africa. In both cultures women experience limitation over their sexual choices and freedoms but South Africa’s ‘innovative jurisprudence and clear principles’ founded in its Constitutional Equality Clause has at least provided a legal framework and binding principle which the Constitutional Court must respect. In contrast he demonstrates how the breakdown in relations between government, constitution and the courts in Zimbabwe has served to further exacerbate women’s inequality. Judith Rumgay’s final chapter highlights what can be achieved when a group of philanthropic women, the Griffins Society, founded a voluntary organization to provide rehabilitative services in London in the 1960s. The Griffins hostels offered difficult women offenders a form of philanthropic maternalism which seemed to work. Initially heralded as a success due to a combination of direct interaction between volunteers and residents, a bold desire to just ‘get on with it,’ and the exploitation of powerful male contacts in government; the society ultimately collapsed as tighter regulation and increasing bureaucracy took hold. The enterprise was unique in managing to bridge the divide ‘between social affluence and social disgrace,’ something that is missing from current criminal justice understandings.
It is clear from this collection of essays that the future of feminist criminology is not only assured but is vibrant and challenging. Understandably, virtually all of the chapters start off by contesting the traditional position of criminology’s ignorance of gender and citing Heidensohn’s earlier work, and that of others, in support. However, it is evident from this volume that such prefaces and justifications are now redundant as the argument is clearly won. (Feminist) criminology has truly come of age and would not have done so but for Heidensohn’s enthusiasm and commitment which has clearly inspired others to follow in her footsteps.
Race and Probation
Publication Date: December 2005
The issue of minority ethnic groups' experiences of the criminal
justice process, and in particular whether they are subject to disadvantageous
treatment has received much attention in recent years following high-profile
events such as the publication of the Macpherson report in 1999 and the riots
involving British-born Asian youths in northern towns in 2001. At the same time there has been a burgeoning
body of research evidence about the needs and experiences of minority ethnic
offenders, the behaviour of racially motivated offenders, and concern with
'What Works' to reduce recidivism by members of both groups.
This book reviews this field, drawing upon the largest study of minority ethnic probationers ever conducted in Europe, and seeks to understand the 'stark contrast between the experience of white and B lack minority ethnic people in some areas of the criminal justice system'. Part 1 of the book sets out the context of recent policy, research and practice initiatives; Part 2 focuses on the needs and experiences of minority ethnic offenders; Part 3 discusses aspect s of recent practice and policy; Part 4 reviews conclusions and the way forward.
Race and Probation also contributes to the wider debate about race and crime. The lessons learned will be of key importance as new arrangements linked to NOMS (National Offender Management Service) come in to place. It will be essential reading for probation trainees and students of criminal justice, for probation practitioners and managers, and for academics and researchers in the field.
One of the key issues facing probation
Draws upon longest study of minority ethnic probationers ever
conducted in Europe
Key contribution to wider race/crime debate
Introduction: race, crime and community penalties, Adam Calverley , Gurpreet Kaur and Soheila Sadeghi
Part 1 Background
1 Room for improvement: a history of the Probation Service's response to race Maurice
2 Racially motivated offenders and the Probation Service David Smith
3 Race, Probation and Inspections Rod Morgan
Part 2 Black and Minority Ethnic offenders: their needs and experiences
4 Black and Asian men on Probation: who are they, and what are their Criminogenic Needs Peter Raynor and Sam Lewis
5 Black and Asian Men on Probation: social exclusion, discrimination and experiences of criminal justice Bankole Cole and Ali Wardak
6 The experiences of female minority ethnic offenders: the other 'other' Loraine Gelsthorpe
7 Not black and white: mixed heritage experiences of criminal justice Sam Lewis and Jill Olumide
Part 3 Recent developments
8 Designing and delivering programmes for minority ethnic offenders Patrick Williams
9 What Works with Black and minority ethnic offenders Rachel K. Walmsley and Kate
10 Minority ethnic experiences of probation supervision and programmes Sam Lewis
11 What might work with racially motivated offenders? David Smith
Part 4 Conclusions
12 Race and community penalties: Conclusion and next steps the editors
Sam Lewis is Lecturer in Criminology in the Centre for Criminal Justice Studies, University of Leeds; Peter Raynor is Professor of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Swansea University; David Smith is Professor of Criminology in the Department of Applied Social Science, University of Lancaster; Ali Wardak is Reader in Criminology at the University of Glamorgan .
Crime and Justice 1750-1950
Authors: Barry Godfrey and Paul Lawrence
Publication Date: 21st Oct 2005
Publishers Press Release
The years 1750-1950 were a crucial period in the shaping of the modern world. Urbanization and industrialization gave rise to a host of new social conditions and problems, engendering massive changes in the nature of both crime and criminal justice. Key developments included the end of capital punishment and the transportation of convicts overseas; the rise of a system of mass incarceration (which has culminated in the UK today having the largest prison population in Europe); the beginning of public, uniformed policing; the first mass-media moral panics about violent crime (from the 'garotters' to Jack the Ripper); and the introduction of the adversarial trial process we know today.
At the same time the Home Office (an organization which grew from just six clerks in 1817) began the systematic recording of levels of crime for the first time, and the new 'scientific' discipline of criminology was developed. 'Crime' thus moved from being considered an accepted, if irritating, part of life (like bad weather) to being a topic which commanded the highest political and media scrutiny.
This book provides a highly readable text for students taking courses in.modern criminal justice history, and for anyone seeking to understand the origins of today's criminal justice system. Each chapter covers a key issue central to an understanding of this historical background. By drawing on primary source materials the authors also aim to show how historical knowledge is constructed, and they explore a number of the historiographical debates which have arisen in the interpretation of this key period of criminal justice history.
From the Introduction
William Sanders stated that: 'In the course of their work, both detectives and sociologists must gather and analyse information. For detectives, the object is to identify and locate criminals and to collect evidence to ensure that the identification is correct. Sociologists, on the other hand, develop theories and methods to help understand social behaviour' (Sanders 1974: 1). But how important is it to gain an understanding of how criminal behaviour and society's reactions to it have changed over time? What part does history play in understanding criminality, and what tools can we use to recover evidence from one or two centuries ago? Whether you are interested in modern history, criminology or sociology, you will be questioning which areas of knowledge are important to you and your work, and which are not. This book will explain how a critical appreciation of the history of crime can inform current understandings of offending, and why historical events in the past two hundred years will continue to affect crime and criminal justice for many years to come.
If we were designing a criminal justice system to meet the needs of today's society, would it look like the one we actually have? Almost certainly it would not, and that is because the institutions of criminal justice - the police, prisons and the courts - have all been shaped and influenced by events and ideas over a long period of time. For example, the growth of police services from a private force employed and run for the benefit of the social elite to recover stolen property to a professional, uniformed and preventative public service is complex. We can only fully understand why the police force works the way it does (prioritizing the maintenance of public order, being organized in counties rather than being 'The British Police Force', being largely unarmed, and so on) by looking at the changes made over two hundred years of history. In addition to institutional changes, historical research can also reveal attitudinal changes towards crime and risk in contemporary society. For example, youth crime appears to be a persistent problem for modern society. Media debates about joy riding and the drug/rave culture have recently given way to celebrations of Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) and their effectiveness against youth 'yob culture'. However, when did juvenile delinquency become a pressing problem, what particular sets of anxieties or events made it so, and are those factors still present today? Was delinquency always waiting to be discovered, or was it 'invented' - can crime be 'manufactured' in this way? If so, what are the conditions that allow us to manufacture crime, and do fears about particular types of offenders reflect rising crime or do they feed a system which creates rises in crime?
Do we live in a safer society now than our parents and grandparents did? Statistics tell us that violence fell to its lowest prosecuted level about a century ago, and that the rates of violence are now much higher (they peaked around the 1990s and are currently declining). Why is this? Are we safer now? Do we care more about violence now? Are we more worried about violence than we ever were? We are not going to find the answers to such questions by just looking at the situation as it stands today. We need to find meaningful comparisons with the recent and far past. We also need to question the assumptions that people readily make about the past - that it was a golden age where police officers clipped unruly teenagers around the ear and people did not need to lock their doors. Was that really true and, if so, how do we know?
It is also clear that the past has a future. Perceptions of crime and changes in the Victorian criminal justice system have left their legacy. For example, why do we imprison women and children in separate prisons to men? Why are men and women sentenced in different ways? What is it about the persistence of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century constructions of femininity that means that we still feel their impact today? These kinds of questions remain relevant to modern criminology and social policy, and they remain pertinent to anyone wanting to understand the social world.
Does crime history have a history?
Crime history itself has created a history - a 'historiography'. Since the subject began to develop out of the general upsurge in popularity of social history generally - mainly through the work of Leon Radzinowicz (1948-86), Doug Hay et al. (1975), Edward Thompson (1975) - it has now grown to be a substantial subdiscipline in its own right. Whether the subject is properly situated within 'history' or 'criminology' is an interesting question, and you will find crime history articles in both historical and criminological journals (and if you are interested in the development of crime history itself as a subject there are a number of interesting review articles listed at the end of this chapter in 'further reading'). Where once one would struggle to find a course containing a history of crime element, it is now extremely common for criminal justice and criminology courses to include modules on crime history or the history of deviance, as well as on the foundations of criminology itself.' History degree courses too, even when not specifically addressing the issue of crime, usually include modules on large-scale disorders (industrial disputes and labour relations, food riots and the economy, political movements which were heavily policed, and so on). The extraordinary growth in interest in lawbreakers and the policing of society has been matched with a growing body of academic literature. Peter King (1999) has provided a guide to navigating the various sources that can be explored (on the Web, in bibliographic databases and in
journals, for example). However, the wealth and diversity of literature can be bewildering. A small number of authors have attempted to review the field and construct a narrative of crime and its control from the mid-eighteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries. Notable among these are Jim Sharpe (1999), David Taylor (1998), Philip Rawlings (1999) and perhaps the person who has done most to popularize this subject, Clive Emsley (2005). Those authors have all described crime in what might be termed 'the modern world'. Why is there a concentration on this period?
Why the period 1750 to 1950?
Put simply, during this period the 'modern world' was shaped. The dynamic development of new forms of industrial production, the rise of the great urban towns and cities and unprecedented population growth all changed the appearance of the British Isles. They also created new social conditions and problems that policy-makers attempted to ameliorate, control or eradicate. The period witnessed the end of capital punishment and the transportation of convicts overseas, and the rise of a system of mass imprisonment which is now culminating in the highest number of people ever imprisoned in this country and the largest prison population in Europe. It saw the beginning of public uniformed policing, the first mass-media moral panics about violent crime (from the 'garotters' to Jack the Ripper), and changes to the court system which ensured the rapid processing of offenders. During this period the systematic recording of levels of crime was begun by the Home Office (an organization which itself grew impressively from six clerks in 1817 to a vast bureaucracy in the twentieth century). Perhaps most importantly, this period witnessed the beginnings of the 'science' of criminology, and when 'crime' moved from being considered an accepted part of life - like the weather - to a subject which today commands the highest political and press attention.
The structure of the book
This book has been written with researchers of crime, criminology and social policy in mind. It intends to give a broad historical overview of crime, policing and punishment within the context of historical processes such as urbanization and industrialization, and it will present different perspectives on a number of 'issues' and debates in current criminological and historical research. By drawing on primary source materials it aims to show how historical knowledge is constructed, and also suggest ways in which researchers can investigate primary source materials for themselves.
Barry Godfrey is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at Keele University; Paul Lawrence is Lecturer in European History at the Open University.
This work, under the joint authorship of two respected university lecturers, is essentially a text book intended for those studying modern criminal justice history. Its chapter headings include the development of policing, the law and the courts - as might be expected from the title. However, other chapters, which include the role of the victim, punishment and the measurement and the meaning of violence - give the clue that there is also a good deal of academic and criminological content.
The format for each chapter offers an introduction to the subject under examination, and a conclusion. A number of key questions are then posed which the reader is invited to research, followed by a note and recommendations for further reading. For the student of modern criminal justice history the book is tailor-made. In the case of the non-student, say the fairly mature police historian seeking a thought-provoking read, it is something to be dipped into.
A topic which some historians, particularly those with a police background, might take issue with, is the reference to the so-called 'Golden Age of policing'. The authors deal with this mainly by having regard to what others have said or written on the subject. The 'Golden Age', so the 'theory' goes, was a time when the public fully supported a professional police service which did its best to enforce the law fairly and equally. There is no helpful suggestion as to when, where or even if, this Utopian age actually existed.
The factual history of policing indicates that, in many industrial areas, there was rarely evidence of a close police/public partnership. Elsewhere, particularly in shire areas and prior to the arrival of the motor car, it could be argued that policing a mainly supportive public was not uncommon - but not in evidence everywhere. By contrast, following much tinkering with the organisation of police manpower brought about through financial pressures, at the present time many police officers are strangers to most of those they are required to protect. The existence of co-operation of the kind evidenced in Crime & Disorder Partnerships involving small numbers of the public, or better still, local Neighbourhood Watch arrangements involving whole streets and villages, are outside the time-scale of the book. But even they do not approach a ‘Golden Age.
A second ‘thought-provoking’ example is to be found in a chapter dealing with control in the workplace and the rise of the surveillance society. The writers suggest that ‘many may feel the historical road from the factory foreman in private businesses to the anonymous controller of CCTV cameras on public streets is a long and uncomfortable one’. The implication is that some unidentified 'Big Brother' is at work seeking to uncover all our personal data. The authors could well have indicated that the rise of modern methods of surveillance stem, not so much from a proactive search for personal information, but as a response to the ingenuity of the criminal fraternity and in order to protect society as a whole. The mature reader could be forgiven for feeling that the general tenor of the work is to concentrate on the ‘rights’ of the individual while ignoring any ‘duty’ which the individual ought properly to owe society as a whole.
But this caveat, showing just how thought-provoking the book can be, is comparatively unimportant when assessing the book as a whole. The authors chose the period 1750 to 1950 since that was the period, they argue, in which the modern world was shaped. Although this is a period of convenience, if one compares it with any other it is impossible to come up with a more apt double century. However, the half-century from 1950 onwards takes some beating.
A pleasing aspect of the book is the fact that the topics examined do not come to a stop with the last chapter. There follows an excellent glossary of words and terms, not all of which are generally understood, plus a timetable of significant events for the period covered by the book. There is also the innovation of a list of useful websites of interest to historians and an excellent bibliography. So to stop reading at the end of the last chapter and turn straight to the index is to miss an essential part of the informative process which the book offers to both the student and the police historian alike. It is a well-written and extremely interesting work.
Author: Melissa J Smith and Nick Tilley (eds)
ISBN: 1 84392 089 1
Publishers: Willan Publishing
Publication Date: 2005
This is the third publication in Willan Publishing’s Crime Science series, though the first one to focus on the subject of ‘crime science’ itself. The result is an accessible book of value to criminology students and researchers interested in the crime science debate and also to practitioners interested in both practical and innovative ideas about crime prevention and detection.
In their introduction the editors write that the purpose of the book is to 'show and tell' what crime science is about and to provide some practical examples of its appliance. To do this they organise the book into four sections, in total comprising nine chapters. Staff and associates of the Jill Dando Institute, established in April 2001 as a centre for teaching, research and consultancy in crime science, are the principal contributors.
Part 1 comprises just one chapter by Gloria Laycock who helpfully sets out the development, definition and purpose of crime science. It is, she says, 'the application of the methods of science to crime and disorder' (page 4). It is 'outcome focused,' and is about reducing crime by either stopping it (prevention) or by catching people more quickly and reliably after the event (detection). It is also multi-disciplinary and the methodologies employed 'embrace the standards and values of the natural sciences' (page 7). Professor Laycock argues that since the criminal justice system is limited in its ability to control crime there is a need to consider alternatives, particularly the potential for scientific contributions. However, she concludes somewhat pessimistically that while crime is seen as fundamentally about offenders rather than situations, there will be limited enthusiasm for crime science approaches (page 21).
Chapters 2 and 3 comprise the second part of the book and focus on futures scanning (by Paul Ekblom) and cost-benefit analysis (by Graham Farrell et al) respectively. These are interesting and valuable in themselves but as far as theory and methodology are discussed, they are not exclusive to crime science and the chapters do not appear to have been written as the theoretical and methodological rationales for crime science. Indeed, as the introduction (page xx) states, they focus on theory and methodology used in crime science. Arguably chapters that focussed on the theory and methodology of crime science would have been more appropriate to support the stated purpose of the book. In this respect it would have been enlightening to read about the theoretical and methodological underpinnings that distinguish crime science as a discipline in its own right. One cannot help but feel that in this section the opportunity to argue for and map out crime science as a ‘new disciplinary terrain’ (page xv) has not been fully taken.
Part three of the book comprises four chapters, each providing a case study in 'Preventive Crime Science'; these range from the relatively prosaic to the sophisticated. In respect of the former, Wortley and Summers (chapter 4) present a case study of situational prevention in Glen Parva young persons’ prison. This involved the utilisation of a problem solving methodology with a large component of common sense. The writers argue that significant reductions in prison disorder can be achieved through relatively minor environmental changes. This, like the chapters on crime at motorway service areas (by Nick Tilley) and on vehicle excise duty evasion (by Melissa J Smith and Barry Webb), would not be out of place in any (non-crime science) crime prevention collection. In contrast, the presence of a distinct crime science is more evident in chapter 7 by Shane D. Johnson et al. They draw upon and link three fields of academic research – behavioural ecology, criminology and epidemiology - in their case study of predictive crime mapping using the example of domestic burglary.
In the fourth and final part of the book, there are two case studies in 'Crime Science for Detection.' Chapter 8, DNA Fast-tracking by Barry Webb et al, describes an initiative to speed up the investigation of domestic burglary where DNA is captured from the scene. It concludes by providing a number of practical recommendations to improve the process. The final chapter by Peter Stelfox and Ken Pease, Cognition and detection: reluctant bedfellows?, explores connections between our understanding of human reasoning and the investigative task. They draw sombre conclusions with implications for training investigators in decision-making.
In its development to date, as the editors acknowledge, crime science has been challenged by sometimes 'apoplectic criminologists.' Sensitive to this, the editors respond to ten identified criticisms of crime science that range from collusion with policymakers to more philosophical objections concerning the scientific study of crime (pages xvi – xviii). As the collection unfolds, the reader is able to weigh-up for himself/herself the relative strengths of the criticisms and the editors’ responses. In my view, the book’s theory and methodology chapters combined with the uneven weight of the cases drawn upon do not decisively prove the case that crime science has (yet) established itself as a coherent and self-evident discipline; the book answers some but not all of the questions posed by its critics, both the apoplectic and the more measured. In short, this book will not satisfy the critics of crime science, but the battle lines are now a little more clearly drawn and it is to be hoped that a progressive and constructive debate will ensue.
Dr Rob C Mawby
Department of Criminology
Willan Publishing 2003 ISBN 1903240603 RRP £16.99
Many TV writers mix up Robbery with Burglary, you hear such statements as, "I’ve been robbed", or "There’s been a burglary "
The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines Robbery as:
1 a the act or process of robbing, esp. with force or threat of force. b an instance of this.
2 excessive financial demand or cost (set us back £20 - it was sheer robbery).
[Middle English from Old French roberie "(as rob)]"
The Theft Act 1968 is of course more precise, Robbery is
Theft Act 1968, s. 8
(1) A person is guilty of robbery if he steals, and immediately before or at the time of doing so, and in order to do so, he uses force on any person or puts or seeks to put any person in fear of being then and there subjected to force.
(2) A person guilty of robbery, or of an assault with intent to rob, shall on conviction on indictment be liable to imprisonment for life.
If you have studied criminal law you will know the definition, if you are new to law then learn the difference between Burglary and Robbery before you read this book.
During my Service in London a Friday was known as "Blagging" day - the day many Armed Robberies took place. To London police armed robbery is a blagging. To the City of London police it often meant, "Close the Bridges". The moment we heard it was taking place, one positive move was to shut off all the Bridges, times have changed now that cameras record all cars moving into central London.
This book looks at, motivation, weapons used, victims, policing and the demise of armed robbery.
The author tells us that armed robbery is regarded as one of the most serious crimes, and is widely reported in the media. Many convicted armed robbers receive long prison sentences, and a disproportionate percentage of the prison population is imprisoned for armed robbery and related offences. The police have targeted it as a key crime for intervention, but have found it difficult to deal with effectively, as recent corruption cases have shown.
Yet despite the significance of armed robbery in the criminal justice system, the media and in the public mind there has been little systematic research or writing on the subject beyond the often impressionistic popular accounts. There remains a large gap in knowledge and understanding of the subject, which this book aims to fill.
This book provides a comprehensive account of the subject, based on research, including interviews with 350 armed robbers in prison, and on work with two police armed response units - from the Metropolitan and South Yorkshire Police. Chapters in the book describe and analyse the attitudes, motivations and methods of armed robbers, the role of firearms, the response of the police and the impact on victims.
At the same time the Author provides a much needed critical dimension to an understanding of the nature of armed robbery, locating the changing nature of armed robbery within a broader criminological and sociological framework. It will be indispensable reading for anybody with an interest in this particular aspect of crime.
Roger Matthews is Professor of Criminology at Middlesex University, and a leading authority in this field. He has written extensively on the subjects of crime, criminology and prisons, his recent publications including Doing Time (Macmillan, 1999) and Crime, Disorder and Community Safety (co-edited with John Pitts: Routledge, 2001) He is the co-editor (with Jock Young) of The New Politics of Crime and Punishment, also published by Willan Publishing (2002).
Sex Crime: Sex Offending and Society
Edition: 2nd 2005
Author: Terry Thomas
Publishers: Willan Publishing
Price £17.99 RRP UK
Publication Date: 2005
This book provides an account of the nature and extent of sex crime and offending in contemporary Britain, and the policies and legislative actions taken to combat this. Sex offenders have become 'demonised' figures, which has made it essential to explain the phenomena and to formulate appropriate policies and law.
This second edition builds upon the successful first edition, and is revised and expanded to reflect the many developments which have taken place in this field.
The book now covers both criminal justice approaches to sexual offending and the civil processes towards greater protection from sexual offending.
Updated and expanded second edition of established text now covers both criminal justice approaches to sexual offending and civil processes analyses impact of Sexual Offences Act of 2003, new measures on internet sex crime and pornography, establishment of Criminal Records Bureau and international trafficking
2 The sex offender 'problem' -- and responses
3 Social responses to the sex offender: a historical perspective
4 Policing sex offenders
5 The search for justice -- at court
6 The search for justice -- punishment or treatment?
7 Protection in the home
8 Protection in 'care settings'
9 Protection in the community Conclusions
A welcome second edition of this book provides a comprehensive review of official and popular responses to the problem of sex offending in its broadest context and summarizes the various professional approaches and legislative measures in force to deal with illegal sexual conduct. This is a huge subject and the author starts off in the Introduction by providing a useful overview and reminding us of the diverse nature of the subject by exemplifying the different types of behaviour and conduct that the law has classified and punished as a sexual offence. Thus the book not only covers offences of sexual violation including rape and child sexual abuse, but outlines provisions relating to the control and prohibition of sexuality and sexual identity in relation to prostitution and homosexuality. The following two chapters focus on the public perception of those individuals legally defined as perpetrators or violators and contemporary societal and professional responses to the problems they present. As to be expected from a criminologist, the sociological context is convincingly analysed as exemplified in the discussion in chapter 2 about how sexual offenders have been culturally constructed and demonized by society and the media drawing on theories of dangerousness and moral panic. Press and local public reactions to the release and presence of paedophiles in the community are detailed by reference to newspaper reportage and the News of the World’s ill-founded campaign for the UK equivalent of Megan’s Law - Sarah’s law so-named in response to Roy Whiting’s murder of Sarah Payne. The views of medical professionals in seeking to find justifications and ‘cures’ for sexually abusive conduct is summarized together with a passing reference to feminist perspectives. For those with an historical interest there is a fascinating review of the history of sexual offences from the Statute of Westminster 1275 to the present day in chapter 3.
The next part of the book deals with the role of the criminal justice system from prosecution to punishment starting off with police investigations and predictably, rehearsing the much repeated comment of that Metropolitan Police Superintendent about driving a coach and horses through a victim’s statement and the notorious Thames Valley documentary in respect of the treatment of rape complainants. Though in light of the Metropolitan Police’s recent pronouncement to review all allegations of rape made last year as 35% of the 3,000 plus complaints were dismissed, together with the acknowledgment that a culture of scepticism still exists, perhaps such reminders have their place. Improvements in the police handling of rape cases are acknowledged together with the creation of Child Protection Units and the associated criticisms of ‘trawling’ in respect of institutional abuse. Quite rightly issues about data collection, access, and storage of information about sex offenders are highlighted detailing the role of NCIS and EUROPOL in tackling trafficking and monitoring paedophiles abroad. But there is no mention of any of the very successful downloading investigations such as Operation Cathedral, Ore or Sapphire.
Chapters 5 details the trial process from investigation to disposal including analysis of the role and prosecutorial discretion of the Crown Prosecution Service. The chapter also outlines the concessions made to witnesses and victims in the courtroom when giving evidence and concludes with current sentencing guidelines and policy – though the emphasis is on the 1986 case of Billam,  1 All ER 985 rather than the more recent House of Lords decision of Milberry in 2003. See R v Milberry, R v Morgan; R v Lackenby  1 Cr App R 25 CA. The discussion then moves to a comparison of the punishment v treatment debate critiquing the various options available and rehabilitative initiatives associated with Sex Offender Treatment Programmes. Chapter 7 is a short summary of sexual violation in the private sphere and committed in a domestic context including intra-familial abuse and child prostitution; sexual abuse in the public sphere in care homes or with individuals in a position of authority follows. The final chapter addresses the control and monitoring of sex offenders in the community including notification requirements and sex offender orders but again the recent provisions of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 are dealt with very briefly and the main emphasis of the chapter is on the Sex Offender Act 1997 now repealed.
The book is very accessible and easy to read. It is ambitious as there is enough material to write singularly on just rape and rapists or child sexual abuse and paedophiles. The writing is concise but in places issues were dispensed with perhaps too quickly and should have been developed further. More page space should have been made available to achieve this. Another danger, or difficulty perhaps, in writing about such a large subject and drawing in so many different aspects – and particularly when writing a second edition, is ensuring accuracy and that out of date material is incised. For example, some of the tables are out of date and list offences, which have been repealed which is both pointless and only serves to confuse (see figures 1.1 and 6.1). Similarly, the 1999 figures cited for the gender representation of legal professionals including the police is now 5 years out of date (p38). In places the presentation of the legal perspective lacks precision – particularly with reference to the Sexual Offences Act 2003 albeit this is a far-reaching and massive enactment. For example, Thomas notes that ‘consensual’ sexual activity with a child under 13 may be defined as rape (p.10) – there is no ‘may be’ at all, if intercourse occurs it is statutory rape full stop. Similarly references in chapter 5 to previous sexual history imply that s2 SOA 1976 is still in force (p.85): it was repealed by the controversial section 41 YJCE Act 1999 which is dispensed with as though it is of little significance. Overall the book is more of a historical summary of practice and policy providing a useful background for those who need to explain the past development of the law relating to sexual offending. While it is an excellent summary of the contextual environment of the last few years already this edition has the feel of being out of date and should be treated with some caution as regards its current legal accuracy.
Drugs and Crime
Author: Philip Bean
ISBN: 1-903240-36-0 Paperback
Publishers Willan Publishing
Price: £16.99 / US $27.50 Hardback £40.00 / US $59.95
Publication Date: November 2001
A very high proportion of crimes committed in Britain are drugs-related, with many offenders reporting drug use prior to the commission of their offence. However, the direct link between drug taking and crime is often less clear than is supposed if only because many of those offenders would have committed offences anyway, and these offences need to be separated from those that are directly caused by drugs. Attempts to address many of these and related issues have been bedevilled by misunderstanding and a lack of consensus on the nature of the relationship between drugs and crime.
This book is a major contribution to that debate, and provides an authoritative and much-needed overview of the range of issues associated with drugs-related crime.
The author pays particular attention to policing drugs and drug markets and the way they operate, so that a central theme of the book is the importance of reducing supply at local, national and international levels. Accordingly there are chapters on the drugs-crime link, sentencing drug offenders, policing drug offenders including the use of informers, coercive treatment, and on gender issues, including the treatment of women drug users.
1 Drugs and crime: an overview
2 Sentencing drug offenders
3 Coercive treatment and mandatory drug testing
4 The Drug Treatment and Testing Order and Drug Courts
5 Trafficking and laundering
6 Policing drug markets
7 Informers and corruption
8 Women, drugs and crime
9 The way forward
Philip Bean is one of the UK's leading authorities on drugs and crime, and has published widely in this field. He is Professor of Criminology and Director of the Midlands Centre for Criminology and Criminal Justice at Loughborough University. He was president of the British Criminological Society from 1995 to 1999, and is currently a member of the Professional Conduct Committee of the General Medical Council.
REVIEW OF 2nd Edition 2004, by Peter Jackson
Title: Drugs and Crime
Edition: 2nd 2004
Author: Philip Bean
Publishers: Willan Publishing
Price £17.99 RRP UK
Publication Date: 15th Oct 2004
This was a fascinating book that Philip Bean has obviously done a lot of research and used it to produce this valuable book. There are numerous quotes from very recent research in 2003/4, but in the preface a statement is made “and nothing has been done about trying to get the treatment and criminal justice agencies to work together more closely” I am more than a little concerned that no mention has been made of the Criminal Justice Intervention Programme (CJIP) now renamed Drugs Intervention Programme (DIP) which has been in operation since early 2003, so must have been talked about for some considerable time before this. It may not be perfect or longitudinally evaluated yet, but it is an attempt to get treatment and criminal justice agencies to work together more closely.
I was more than impressed with the closing comments on page 58 that drug use in Britain is NOT normal and there are things that can be done long term to change this. But it is a culture change for this country?
The comments on page 109 weighing up the options within treatment between harm reduction or abstinence are interesting in the light of comments made by users in treatment services in Glasgow in 2004 where most of the users wanted abstinence as opposed to harm reduction, but surely the answer here must be individual choice.
I found the input re the Drugs Courts fascinating and Philip obviously is a fan. My concern is, does the judiciary in this country have the ability to be as down to earth as some judges in the USA? If we could get the judges dealing with UK drugs court to deal with the individual and understand relapse and regression then I think we would have taken a huge step for mankind.
Philip waxes lyrical about the TASC system that sounds similar to the Drugs Intervention Programme being rolled out in this country. Lets hope that in Philips Third edition of Drugs and Crime we can have a reasonable comparison between the two systems.
The continuous concern of Philip and many other people in this area, is the lack of good sustained longitudinal research. I totally agree with this sentiment and of course the answer is very simple-Cost, Cost, Cost. There are many great pieces of research that conclude by saying “further research needs to be carried out”. Very rarely does this ever happen. The drugs field is constantly changing thus the research should follow suit. But due to the restrictions on money it does not happen. Lets hope that some of the drugs confiscation money will be put to this use. Philip hints at a way forward on page 235, suggesting that there are “two or three high- quality research centres with guaranteed funding undertaking long term research”. Although there will no doubt be critics of restrictive practice and unbiased research, this would at least give us continuity in research.
I was in total agreement with the quote from Inciardi and McBride on page 236 regarding focusing on demand reduction and education. We then go on to be critical of programmes that are trying to do just that. I contacted DARE UK to see what evaluation they have undertaken of Drug Education programmes as quoted by Philip on page 237. They seemed most indignant and stated in no uncertain terms that they cannot raise the money to carry out good quality evaluation of there own programme, let alone spend scarce resources on evaluating other peoples work. They were also very jealous of the £6 million spent on the governments attempt to get Drug education in schools. I hope this was a rare mistake on Philip's part but it did detract from the general great read that this book gave.
Although there was some suggestions, I would have liked to have seen more comment from Philip, who is obviously well read in this subject. I would have valued his opinion. It may not have worked or been evaluated for twenty years, but then what has so far?
Author: R. C. Mawby
Publishers Willan publishing
Price: £16.99 / US $27.50 paperback
Publication Date: 2001
We are told, “burglary has all the credentials of the 'folk crime of the new, millennium', and is regularly identified as one of the crimes most feared by the public. Victims are particularly affected by burglary, and burglary is generally at the centre of crime prevention and community safety strategies”.
Rob Mawby's Burglary proves an accessible, systematic account of burglary, analysing and identifying the particular characteristics and impact of burglary as a crime, and drawing upon an extensive range of research in both the UK and elsewhere.
In the first main section of the book Rob Mawbv focuses on the impact of burglary on victims of the crime, the phenomenon of repeat burglary, and then on the burglars themselves: who they are, who they associate with the part drugs play in the crimes they commit, and the targets they choose. The second main section of the book is concerned with the policy responses to burglary, it analyses the various approaches to burglary reduction, looks at some of the most important key case studies and the lessons to be drawn from these, at the way the police services and other agencies have addressed the needs of the victims of burglars and how effective these have been, at the particular characteristics of commercial burglary, and finally at patterns of detection and sentencing.
Rob Mawby's book will be essential reading for students of criminology and criminal justice as well as practitioners in policing and crime prevention, and others who have a concern with burglary, its impact and prevention.
It comes up for review at a germane time because in December 2002 the Court of Appeal delivered new sentencing guidelines on domestic burglary. See R v McInerney: R v Keating (2002) The Times 20 December;  EWCA Crim 3003. These are the result of advice from the Sentencing Advisory Panel and have been applied directly to sentences in connection with domestic burglaries where the trespass was accompanied by theft or an intention to steal. The report concerning McInerney and Keating cited above should be read subject to the need to have regard to the particular circumstances of the offence, its effect upon the victim and the record of the offender.
This Law Report sounded alarm bells throughout the country, with newspaper headlines that the Lord Chief Justice has said that 'first-time burglars will not be sent to prison'. This may be a step too far, and public opinion must be an important factor to be considered; however, the full report should be read and not just isolated newspaper headlines. SEE Police Journal, Vol 76 (2003), Page 80.
Burglary, by R. I. Mawby will bring you up to date on many aspects of the offence now defined by the Theft Act 1968: however, if you are not legally trained I suggest that, before reading the book, you look up the definition of burglary under the law of England and Wales.
It is not as simple as TV writers would have you believe: the old offence of 'Breaking and Entering' was swept away by the Theft Act 1968. If the man or woman on the Clapham omnibus (or in my case the bus to Sidmouth; when it arrives), were asked; would they know that it includes entering any building with intent to rape? An interesting book if you want to delve more deeply into Burglary.
Rob Mawby is Professor of Criminology and Director of the Community Research Centre, University of Plymouth. He has written extensively in the field of criminology and policing, and is editor of the journal Crime Prevention and Community' Safety. He has a long-standing involvement in policy initiatives relating to burglary at local, National and International level.
Policing, Ethics and Human Rights
Policing And Society Series
Series editors: Les Johnston, Frank Leishman, Tim Newburn
Author: Peter Neyroud And Alan Beckley
Publishers Willan Publishing
Publication Date: 2001
From the foreword to this book by Jack Straw, MP.
"Bringing ethics to the fore will help build a culture where respect for human rights is a conscious factor in a whole range of police activity... This timely book fills a gap by providing a framework for the debate about ethics in policing and linking it to the developing agenda on human rights. It does so against a background of rapid change in the policing environment and offers a very helpful analysis of approaches to developing and ensuring an ethical policing culture. It benefits from the authors' strong combination of operational and academic experience and their obvious commitment to the practical application of human rights."
Policing, Ethics and Human Rights sets out a powerful case for a modern 'ethical policing' approach, arguing that securing and protecting human rights should be the major rationale for public policing.
Ethical and human rights issues have assumed an increasingly high profile in policing in the wake of miscarriages of justice, and evidence of racism, incompetence and corruption - in both Britain and elsewhere. At the same time the implementation of human rights legislation is set to have a major impact on policing, challenging many traditional assumptions about how police work is carried out.
This important new book examines the range of issues surrounding ethics in policing, linking this to both recent developments and to the new human rights agenda. It will be essential reading for anybody with an interest in policing issues, and is likely to have a significant impact on thinking about the future of policing in this country.
Peter Neyroud is Deputy Chief Constable, West Mercia Constabulary, vice-chairman of the Association of Chief Police Officers' human rights committee, and a council member of 'Justice'. Alan Beckley is head of management development training in West Mercia Constabulary, has written extensively on policing issues, and is editor of the Journal "Police Research and Management". Paul Collier (Aston Business School) and Julia Clayton, an inspector in Cheshire Constabulary, have also contributed to the book.
Reform and Punishment The Future of Sentencing
Editors: Sue Rex and Michael Tonry
ISBN: 1903240948 (Hardback)
Publishers Willan Publishing
Price: £30 RRP UK
Publication Date: 2002
We are told that, Sentencing politics, policies, and practices in England and Wales have been in ferment for a decade, and major changes are looming. In this book a group of leading authorities address the key issues, in the light particularly of the influential Halliday Report. The report sets out radical and comprehensive proposals, including changes in the purposes and philosophy of sentencing, a reconfiguration of all authorised sanctions, the establishment of a sentencing commission and sentencing guidelines, the creation of a new role for judges and magistrates in overseeing and modifying sentences, and massive new investment in treatment and supervision programmes.
The essays in this book go far beyond the Halliday Report, however, to explore fundamental issues and problems that any serious reform of sentencing must address, drawing upon experience in other jurisdictions and contexts, particularly the USA. This book is essential reading for anybody with an interest in the future of sentencing or the future direction of the criminal justice system as a whole.
Sue Rex is a Senior Research Associate at the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge, an ESRC Fellow and Director of the Cropwood Programme. Michael Tonry is Professor of Law and Public Policy and Director of the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge, and Sonosky Professor of Law and Public Policy, University of Minnesota.
Notes on contributors
1 Reconsidering sentencing and punishment in England and Wales, by Michael Tonry and Sue Rex (University of Cambridge)
2 Public opinion and sentencing policy, by Julian V Roberts (University of Ottawa)
3 Relations between lay and professional judiciary: now and Auld, by Rod Morgan (Chief Inspector of Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Probation)
4 Taking account of race, ethnicity and religion, by David Faulkner (University of Oxford)
5 Setting sentencing policy through guidelines, by Michael Tonry (University of Cambridge)
6 The uses of imprisonment, by Alison Liebling (University of Cambridge)
7 Reinventing community penalties: the role of communication, by Sue Rex (University of Cambridge)
8 Revisiting ex-prisoner re-entry: a buzzword in search of a narrative, by Shadd Maruna (University of Cambridge) and Thomas P LeBel (State University of New York, Albany)
9 The Halliday Report and persistent offenders, by Peter Jones (Circuit Judge and member of the Sentencing Advisory Panel of England and Wales)
10 Record-enhanced sentencing in England and Wales: reflections on the Halliday Report's proposed treatment of prior convictions, by Andrew von Hirsch (University of Cambridge)
Appendix: summary of conference discussions, by David A Green (University of Cambridge)